Brazil is a federal republic with a relatively progressive data protection framework in its Lei Geral de Proteção de Dados, and a large and growing population of young internet users. Brazilian civil society has been active in documenting the risks social media poses to children and adolescents, and Brazil generally supports stronger international standards on children's digital privacy. However, enforcement capacity and digital inequality remain challenges domestically.

Canada is a federal parliamentary democracy that has taken incremental steps toward strengthening children's online protections, though its legislative framework lags behind some European peers. It broadly supports multilateral child protection initiatives and brings a pragmatic, consensus-oriented approach to international negotiations. Canada tends to seek frameworks that hold platforms accountable while preserving space for digital innovation.

Chile is a presidential republic in South America with a relatively advanced digital governance framework for the region, having adopted data protection legislation and developed national policies on digital education. It supports international efforts to protect children's data and address the mental health impacts of digital technology, and it often represents a moderate, reform-oriented voice in Latin American delegations on these issues.

China is a single-party state with pervasive digital surveillance infrastructure and a tightly controlled internet environment. The government has introduced some domestic regulations on children's screen time and online content, driven more by concerns about productivity and social stability than rights-based child protection. China opposes international frameworks that it views as encroaching on its sovereign approach to digital governance and is deeply resistant to external scrutiny of how it handles data, including children's data.

Egypt is a presidential republic under significant authoritarian consolidation, with the government maintaining close oversight of digital activity. While Egypt has some child protection laws, the state's primary concern with digital regulation is maintaining political control rather than protecting children's rights. Egypt's position in international forums tends to favour frameworks that give governments broad discretion over digital environments rather than binding child-rights obligations.

Ethiopia is a federal republic in the Horn of Africa undergoing rapid digital expansion, with growing mobile internet access among its young population. Regulatory frameworks for children's digital rights are nascent, and the country faces acute challenges around digital literacy, online safety infrastructure, and the wellbeing of children online. Ethiopia supports international assistance and capacity-building on these issues and broadly backs stronger global standards, while acknowledging its limited implementation capacity.

Finland is a Nordic parliamentary republic with a longstanding commitment to children's rights, quality education, and digital literacy. It was among the earliest countries to develop structured frameworks for children's online safety and data protection, and it approaches digital technology in children's lives with a strong emphasis on wellbeing, equity, and rights-based policy. Finland is a consistent advocate for binding international standards on children's digital protection.

Germany is a federal parliamentary democracy with robust constitutional protections for privacy and a data protection culture shaped by its historical experience with state surveillance. German law places strict limits on the collection and processing of children's data, and the country is a strong proponent of binding international frameworks to protect minors in digital environments. Germany tends to support regulatory approaches over voluntary industry commitments.

India is the world's most populous democracy and a major technology producer and consumer, with hundreds of millions of young internet users. Its data protection legislative framework has been slow to develop and enforcement of children's protections remains weak. India is cautious about international regulatory frameworks it views as potentially limiting its growing digital economy, and it tends to prioritise digital access and development over restrictive data governance.

Indonesia is a presidential republic and the world's fourth most populous nation, with a very large population of young internet users. It has developed some national frameworks for child online protection but enforcement remains inconsistent, and the mental health impacts of social media on Indonesian youth have been widely reported. Indonesia broadly supports international child protection measures while emphasising the importance of digital access and development.

Japan is a constitutional monarchy with strong cultural emphasis on child welfare and strict domestic laws around child protection, particularly regarding exploitation. However, Japan has been slower to address the subtler harms of data privacy and algorithmic influence on children, and its technology sector has considerable political influence. Japan approaches these issues cautiously and tends to support international frameworks in principle while seeking gradual implementation timelines.

Mexico is a federal republic with a large and youthful population and growing rates of smartphone and social media use among children and teenagers. It has adopted some data protection measures but enforcement is inconsistent, and children in many parts of the country remain highly vulnerable to digital exploitation and online harm. Mexico generally supports stronger international standards while acknowledging its own implementation challenges.

The Netherlands is a constitutional monarchy and a leading implementer of the EU's General Data Protection Regulation, with a particularly active data protection authority that has repeatedly fined technology companies for mishandling children's data. It advocates strongly for children's digital rights in international forums and supports holding technology platforms legally accountable for harms caused to minors.

New Zealand is a parliamentary democracy with a strong record on children's rights and a proactive approach to online safety legislation. It has developed national frameworks addressing harmful digital content and children's exposure to online risks, and it brings a pragmatic, evidence-based approach to multilateral discussions on children's digital wellbeing. New Zealand often bridges positions between the global north and Pacific island nations in international negotiations.

Nigeria is a federal republic with the largest population in Africa and a rapidly growing digital economy. Children make up a significant proportion of its population, and many access digital platforms with little regulatory protection. Nigeria supports international frameworks to protect children's data and wellbeing but has limited domestic regulatory capacity and relies on international cooperation to address cross-border digital harms affecting its children.

Pakistan is a federal republic with a large and very young population, significant levels of digital poverty, and limited regulatory infrastructure for children's online protection. While it has some legislation addressing online exploitation, broader issues of data privacy and mental health impacts of digital technology receive less policy attention. Pakistan's position in these negotiations is shaped more by its development priorities and digital access gaps than by strong regulatory advocacy.

The Philippines is a presidential republic with a young population and very high rates of social media use. It faces serious challenges with online exploitation of children and the documented mental health impacts of heavy social media use among Filipino youth. The Philippines supports international frameworks to address these issues but has limited domestic enforcement capacity and depends heavily on cooperation with platform companies and international bodies.

Russia is an increasingly authoritarian state that has progressively tightened its control over the internet and digital platforms. While Russia has domestic legislation nominally protecting children online, it has expelled or restricted international technology companies that refused to store Russian user data locally and comply with state access demands. Russia resists international frameworks on children's digital rights that it views as vehicles for Western influence over its domestic information environment.

Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy with limited independent civil society and a government that maintains significant control over digital infrastructure and content. While it has introduced some domestic measures around children's digital use, these are shaped more by cultural conservatism and state control than by international child rights standards. Saudi Arabia tends to resist binding international frameworks on data privacy and digital wellbeing that it views as imposing alien values on its society.

South Africa is a constitutional republic with a progressive bill of rights that explicitly protects children, and its Protection of Personal Information Act includes specific provisions for minors' data. However, enforcement infrastructure is limited and digital inequality means that many children access the internet through shared or unregulated devices. South Africa supports stronger international frameworks while emphasising the need for capacity-building support for developing nations.

Sweden is a constitutional monarchy with a social democratic tradition and one of the world's strongest frameworks for children's rights and digital regulation. It has actively pushed for corporate accountability in how platforms design products for young users, and Swedish researchers and civil society organisations have been influential in documenting the mental health impacts of social media on adolescents. Sweden supports ambitious multilateral action on children's data and digital wellbeing.

The United Arab Emirates is a federation of hereditary monarchies with a highly connected population and a government that closely regulates digital content. The UAE has introduced some child-focused digital regulations but enforcement is selective and the broader digital rights framework is shaped by state control rather than independent rights protection. The UAE is cautious about international frameworks that could create obligations conflicting with its model of managed digital governance.

The United Kingdom developed the Age Appropriate Design Code, one of the world's first pieces of legislation specifically requiring technology platforms to protect children's privacy and wellbeing by design. While it broadly supports international child protection standards, the UK also hosts a significant technology and financial sector and tends to seek frameworks that balance regulation with innovation. Its post-Brexit position gives it some flexibility in international negotiations outside EU structures.

The United States is home to most of the world's largest technology platforms and has historically allowed the tech industry significant self-regulatory latitude. While federal law includes the Children's Online Privacy Protection Act, advocates argue it is outdated and inadequately enforced, and legislative efforts to strengthen it have faced significant industry resistance. The USA tends to resist binding international frameworks that could impose external obligations on American technology companies.

Vietnam is a single-party socialist state where the government closely monitors online activity and restricts content it deems politically or socially harmful. Child protection is cited as a justification for broad internet regulation, but independent scrutiny of how children's data is handled by state and private actors is limited. Vietnam supports international cooperation on child protection in principle while resisting frameworks that would impose external accountability on its domestic digital governance.